Hernandez 1 The Revisionist School of Thought This paper will prove that

Hernandez 1

The Revisionist School of Thought

This paper will prove that the bombing of the Japanese was not necessary to end the Pacific War because not only were the Japanese surrendering prior to any Russian declaration of war, the bomb was sent as a scare to pause the Soviets from being any possible threat. In the summer of 1945, it was already understood that the that the Japanese we’re already going to surrender in August. I will prove that the bombing was politically motivated and not military motivated and not for protection. In August, the same month, the Soviet Union entered the war and is what drove the Japanese to surrender a plea for peace, due to the Soviets invading Japan- held Manchuria and destroying the Kwantung army. The Japanese were afraid of the Soviets destroying the foundation of Japan. There are many documents proving that President Truman and his closest advisers were fully aware that in August the Japanese were going to surrender. One document was on July 12th titled “a telegram from the Jap emperor asking for peace”. This should not be in your introduction, but needs to be in the paragraph on how Truman knew about the Japanese surrender. Thus making the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki completely unnecessary. The atomic bombing Bombing was to scare the Soviet Union.

Watch your punctuation and capitalization. The title, “a telegram from the Jap emperor…” Should be in italics and capitalized. Please be sure to include some counter arguments, as they will strengthen your position. For example, the Orthodox School looks at the telegram and says, it was only meant as a stalling tactic.

You are cleared to start writing![supanova_question]

Depression – How do the brain process?

Examine the neuroanatomy of the topic, the neurotransmitter systems involved, and any other biological system, such as hormones, that may be involved.Identify any life-span implications, how the topic is studied, and the relevant history of the topic.Describe behavioral processes that are involved in the disorder or brain process.Disorders and behaviors that have heavy social influences are not suitable topics.==================================Must include an introduction and conclusion paragraph. Your introduction paragraph needs to end with a clear thesis statement that indicates the purpose of your paper.Must use at least 10 scholarly sources====================================https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/[supanova_question]

Depression – How do the brain process?

Examine the neuroanatomy of the topic, the neurotransmitter systems involved, and any other biological system, such as hormones, that may be involved.Identify any life-span implications, how the topic is studied, and the relevant history of the topic.Describe behavioral processes that are involved in the disorder or brain process.Disorders and behaviors that have heavy social influences are not suitable topics.==================================Must include an introduction and conclusion paragraph. Your introduction paragraph needs to end with a clear thesis statement that indicates the purpose of your paper.Must use at least 10 scholarly sources====================================https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/[supanova_question]

Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865) Biography 16th president of the United States (1861–65), who

Writing Assignment Help Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865)

Biography

16th president of the United States (1861–65), who preserved the Union during the American Civil War and brought about the emancipation of the slaves.

Among American heroes, Lincoln continues to have a unique appeal for his fellow countrymen and also for people of other lands. This charm derives from his remarkable life story—the rise from humble origins, the dramatic death—and from his distinctively human and humane personality as well as from his historical role as saviour of the Union and emancipator of the slaves. His relevance endures and grows especially because of his eloquence as a spokesman for democracy. In his view, the Union was worth saving not only for its own sake but because it embodied an ideal, the ideal of self-government. In recent years, the political side to Lincoln’s character, and his racial views in particular, have come under close scrutiny, as scholars continue to find him a rich subject for research. The Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., was dedicated to him on May 30, 1922.

Lincoln was born in a backwoods cabin 3 miles (5 km) south of Hodgenville, Kentucky, and was taken to a farm in the neighbouring valley of Knob Creek when he was two years old. His earliest memories were of this home and, in particular, of a flash flood that once washed away the corn and pumpkin seeds he had helped his father plant. His father, Thomas Lincoln, was the descendant of a weaver’s apprentice who had migrated from England to Massachusetts in 1637. Though much less prosperous than some of his Lincoln forebears, Thomas was a sturdy pioneer. On June 12, 1806, he married Nancy Hanks. The Hanks genealogy is difficult to trace, but Nancy appears to have been of illegitimate birth. She has been described as “stoop-shouldered, thin-breasted, sad,” and fervently religious. Thomas and Nancy Lincoln had three children: Sarah, Abraham, and Thomas, who died in infancy.

In December 1816, faced with a lawsuit challenging the title to his Kentucky farm, Thomas Lincoln moved with his family to southwestern Indiana. There, as a squatter on public land, he hastily put up a “half-faced camp”—a crude structure of logs and boughs with one side open to the weather—in which the family took shelter behind a blazing fire. Soon he built a permanent cabin, and later he bought the land on which it stood. Abraham helped to clear the fields and to take care of the crops but early acquired a dislike for hunting and fishing. In afteryears he recalled the “panther’s scream,” the bears that “preyed on the swine,” and the poverty of Indiana frontier life, which was “pretty pinching at times.” The unhappiest period of his boyhood followed the death of his mother in the autumn of 1818. As a ragged nine-year-old, he saw her buried in the forest, then faced a winter without the warmth of a mother’s love. Fortunately, before the onset of a second winter, Thomas Lincoln brought home from Kentucky a new wife for himself, a new mother for the children. Sarah Bush Johnston Lincoln, a widow with two girls and a boy of her own, had energy and affection to spare. She ran the household with an even hand, treating both sets of children as if she had borne them all; but she became especially fond of Abraham, and he of her. He afterward referred to her as his “angel mother.”

His stepmother doubtless encouraged Lincoln’s taste for reading, yet the original source of his desire to learn remains something of a mystery. Both his parents were almost completely illiterate, and he himself received little formal education. He once said that, as a boy, he had gone to school “by littles”—a little now and a little then—and his entire schooling amounted to no more than one year’s attendance. His neighbours later recalled how he used to trudge for miles to borrow a book. According to his own statement, however, his early surroundings provided “absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to the rule of three; but that was all.” Apparently the young Lincoln did not read a large number of books but thoroughly absorbed the few that he did read. These included Parson Weems’s Life and Memorable Actions of George Washington (with its story of the little hatchet and the cherry tree), Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress, and Aesop’s Fables. From his earliest days he must have had some familiarity with the Bible, for it doubtless was the only book his family owned.

In March 1830 the Lincoln family undertook a second migration, this time to Illinois, with Lincoln himself driving the team of oxen. Having just reached the age of 21, he was about to begin life on his own. Six feet four inches tall, he was rawboned and lanky but muscular and physically powerful. He was especially noted for the skill and strength with which he could wield an ax. He spoke with a backwoods twang and walked in the long-striding, flat-footed, cautious manner of a plowman. Good-natured though somewhat moody, talented as a mimic and storyteller, he readily attracted friends. But he was yet to demonstrate whatever other abilities he possessed.

After his arrival in Illinois, having no desire to be a farmer, Lincoln tried his hand at a variety of occupations. As a rail-splitter, he helped to clear and fence his father’s new farm. As a flatboatman, he made a voyage down the Mississippi River to New Orleans, Louisiana. (This was his second visit to that city, his first having been made in 1828, while he still lived in Indiana.) Upon his return to Illinois he settled in New Salem, a village of about 25 families on the Sangamon River. There he worked from time to time as storekeeper, postmaster, and surveyor. With the coming of the Black Hawk War (1832), he enlisted as a volunteer and was elected captain of his company. Afterward he joked that he had seen no “live, fighting Indians” during the war but had had “a good many bloody struggles with the mosquitoes.” Meanwhile, aspiring to be a legislator, he was defeated in his first try and then repeatedly reelected to the state assembly. He considered blacksmithing as a trade but finally decided in favour of the law. Already having taught himself grammar and mathematics, he began to study law books. In 1836, having passed the bar examination, he began to practice law.

The next year he moved to Springfield, Illinois, the new state capital, which offered many more opportunities for a lawyer than New Salem did. At first Lincoln was a partner of John T. Stuart, then of Stephen T. Logan, and finally, from 1844, of William H. Herndon. Nearly 10 years younger than Lincoln, Herndon was more widely read, more emotional at the bar, and generally more extreme in his views. Yet this partnership seems to have been as nearly perfect as such human arrangements ever are. Lincoln and Herndon kept few records of their law business, and they split the cash between them whenever either of them was paid. It seems they had no money quarrels.

Within a few years of his relocation to Springfield, Lincoln was earning $1,200 to $1,500 annually, at a time when the governor of the state received a salary of $1,200 and circuit judges only $750. He had to work hard. To keep himself busy, he found it necessary not only to practice in the capital but also to follow the court as it made the rounds of its circuit. Each spring and fall he would set out by horseback or buggy to travel hundreds of miles over the thinly settled prairie, from one little county seat to another. Most of the cases were petty and the fees small.

The coming of the railroads, especially after 1850, made travel easier and practice more remunerative. Lincoln served as a lobbyist for the Illinois Central Railroad, assisting it in getting a charter from the state, and thereafter he was retained as a regular attorney for that railroad. After successfully defending the company against the efforts of McLean county to tax its property, he received the largest single fee of his legal career—$5,000. (He had to sue the Illinois Central in order to collect the fee.) He also handled cases for other railroads and for banks, insurance companies, and mercantile and manufacturing firms. In one of his finest performances before the bar, he saved the Rock Island Bridge, the first to span the Mississippi River, from the threat of the river transportation interests that demanded the bridge’s removal. His business included a number of patent suits and criminal trials. One of his most effective and famous pleas had to do with a murder case. A witness claimed that, by the light of the moon, he had seen Duff Armstrong, an acquaintance of Lincoln’s, take part in a killing. Referring to an almanac for proof, Lincoln argued that the night had been too dark for the witness to have seen anything clearly, and with a sincere and moving appeal he won an acquittal.

By the time he began to be prominent in national politics, about 20 years after launching his legal career, Lincoln had made himself one of the most distinguished and successful lawyers in Illinois. He was noted not only for his shrewdness and practical common sense, which enabled him always to see to the heart of any legal case, but also for his invariable fairness and utter honesty.

Early in life Lincoln had been something of a skeptic and freethinker. His reputation had been such that, as he once complained, the “church influence” was used against him in politics. When running for Congress in 1846, he issued a handbill to deny that he ever had “spoken with intentional disrespect of religion.” He went on to explain that he had believed in the doctrine of necessity—“that is, that the human mind is impelled to action, or held in rest by some power over which the mind itself has no control.” Throughout his life he also believed in dreams and other enigmatic signs and portents. As he grew older, and especially after he became president and faced the soul-troubling responsibilities of the Civil War, he developed a profound religious sense, and he increasingly personified necessity as God. He came to look upon himself quite humbly as an “instrument of Providence” and to view all history as God’s enterprise. “In the present civil war,” he wrote in 1862, “it is quite possible that God’s purpose is something different from the purpose of either party—and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect His purpose.”

Lincoln was fond of the Bible and knew it well. He also was fond of Shakespeare. In private conversation he used many Shakespearean allusions, discussed problems of dramatic interpretation with considerable insight, and recited long passages from memory with rare feeling and understanding. He liked the works of John Stuart Mill, particularly On Liberty, but disliked heavy or metaphysical works.

Though he enjoyed the poems of Lord Byron and Robert Burns, his favourite piece of verse was the work of an obscure Scottish poet, William Knox. Lincoln often quoted Knox’s lines beginning: “Oh! why should the spirit of mortal be proud?” He liked to relax with the comic writings of Petroleum V. Nasby, Orpheus C. Kerr, and Artemus Ward, or with a visit to the popular theatre.

When Lincoln first entered politics, Andrew Jackson was president. Lincoln shared the sympathies that the Jacksonians professed for the common man, but he disagreed with the Jacksonian view that the government should be divorced from economic enterprise. “The legitimate object of government,” he was later to say, “is to do for a community of people whatever they need to have done, but cannot do at all, or cannot do so well, for themselves, in their separate and individual capacities.” Among the prominent politicians of his time, he most admired Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. Clay and Webster advocated using the powers of the federal government to encourage business and develop the country’s resources by means of a national bank, a protective tariff, and a program of internal improvements for facilitating transportation. In Lincoln’s view, Illinois and the West as a whole desperately needed such aid for economic development. From the outset, he associated himself with the party of Clay and Webster, the Whigs.

As a Whig member of the Illinois State Legislature, to which he was elected four times from 1834 to 1840, Lincoln devoted himself to a grandiose project for constructing with state funds a network of railroads, highways, and canals. Whigs and Democrats joined in passing an omnibus bill for these undertakings, but the panic of 1837 and the ensuing business depression brought about the abandonment of most of them. While in the legislature he demonstrated that, though opposed to slavery, he was no abolitionist. In 1837, in response to the mob murder of Elijah Lovejoy, an antislavery newspaperman of Alton, the legislature introduced resolutions condemning abolitionist societies and defending slavery in the Southern states as “sacred” by virtue of the federal Constitution. Lincoln refused to vote for the resolutions. Together with a fellow member, he drew up a protest that declared, on the one hand, that slavery was “founded on both injustice and bad policy” and, on the other, that “the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than to abate its evils.”

During his single term in Congress (1847–49), Lincoln, as the lone Whig from Illinois, gave little attention to legislative matters. He proposed a bill for the gradual and compensated emancipation of slaves in the District of Columbia, but, because it was to take effect only with the approval of the “free white citizens” of the district, it displeased abolitionists as well as slaveholders and never was seriously considered.

Lincoln devoted much of his time to presidential politics—to unmaking one president, a Democrat, and making another, a Whig. He found an issue and a candidate in the Mexican War. With his “spot resolutions,” he challenged the statement of President James K. Polk that Mexico had started the war by shedding American blood upon American soil. Along with other members of his party, Lincoln voted to condemn Polk and the war while also voting for supplies to carry it on. At the same time, he laboured for the nomination and election of the war hero Zachary Taylor. After Taylor’s success at the polls, Lincoln expected to be named commissioner of the general land office as a reward for his campaign services, and he was bitterly disappointed when he failed to get the job. His criticisms of the war, meanwhile, had not been popular among the voters in his own congressional district. At the age of 40, frustrated in politics, he seemed to be at the end of his public career.

For about five years Lincoln took little part in politics, and then a new sectional crisis gave him a chance to reemerge and rise to statesmanship. In 1854 his political rival Stephen A. Douglas maneuvered through Congress a bill for reopening the entire Louisiana Purchase to slavery and allowing the settlers of Kansas and Nebraska (with “popular sovereignty”) to decide for themselves whether to permit slaveholding in those territories. The Kansas-Nebraska Act provoked violent opposition in Illinois and the other states of the old Northwest. It gave rise to the Republican Party while speeding the Whig Party on its way to disintegration. Along with many thousands of other homeless Whigs, Lincoln soon became a Republican (1856). Before long, some prominent Republicans in the East talked of attracting Douglas to the Republican fold, and with him his Democratic following in the West. Lincoln would have none of it. He was determined that he, not Douglas, should be the Republican leader of his state and section.

Lincoln challenged the incumbent Douglas for the Senate seat in 1858, and the series of debates they engaged in throughout Illinois was political oratory of the highest order. Both men were shrewd debaters and accomplished stump speakers, though they could hardly have been more different in style and appearance—the short and pudgy Douglas, whose stentorian voice and graceful gestures swayed audiences, and the tall, homely, almost emaciated-looking Lincoln, who moved awkwardly and whose voice was piercing and shrill. Lincoln’s prose and speeches, however, were eloquent, pithy, powerful, and free of the verbosity so common in communication of his day. The debates were published in 1860, together with a biography of Lincoln, in a best-selling book that Lincoln himself compiled and marketed as part of his campaign.

In their basic views, Lincoln and Douglas were not as far apart as they seemed in the heat of political argument. Neither was abolitionist or proslavery. But Lincoln, unlike Douglas, insisted that Congress must exclude slavery from the territories. He disagreed with Douglas’s belief that the territories were by nature unsuited to the slave economy and that no congressional legislation was needed to prevent the spread of slavery into them. In one of his most famous speeches, he said: “A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe the government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free.” He predicted that the country eventually would become “all one thing, or all the other.” Again and again he insisted that the civil liberties of every U.S. citizen, white as well as black, were at stake. The territories must be kept free, he further said, because “new free states” were “places for poor people to go and better their condition.” He agreed with Thomas Jefferson and other founding fathers, however, that slavery should be merely contained, not directly attacked. In fact, when it was politically expedient to do so, he reassured his audiences that he did not endorse citizenship for blacks or believe in the equality of the races. “I am not, nor ever have been, in favour of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races,” he told a crowd in Charleston, Illinois. “I am not nor ever have been in favour of making voters or jurors of Negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people.” There is, he added, “a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.” Lincoln drove home the inconsistency between Douglas’s “popular sovereignty” principle and the Dred Scott decision (1857), in which the U.S. Supreme Court held that Congress could not constitutionally exclude slavery from the territories.

In the end, Lincoln lost the election to Douglas. Although the outcome did not surprise him, it depressed him deeply. Lincoln had, nevertheless, gained national recognition and soon began to be mentioned as a presidential prospect for 1860.

On May 18, 1860, after Lincoln and his friends had made skillful preparations, he was nominated on the third ballot at the Republican National Convention in Chicago. He then put aside his law practice and, though making no stump speeches, gave full time to the direction of his campaign. His “main object,” he had written, was to “hedge against divisions in the Republican ranks,” and he counseled party workers to “say nothing on points where it is probable we shall disagree.” With the Republicans united, the Democrats divided, and a total of four candidates in the field, he carried the election on November 6. Although he received no votes from the Deep South and no more than 40 out of 100 in the country as a whole, the popular votes were so distributed that he won a clear and decisive majority in the electoral college.

After Lincoln’s election and before his inauguration, the state of South Carolina proclaimed its withdrawal from the Union. To forestall similar action by other Southern states, various compromises were proposed in Congress. The most important, the Crittenden Compromise, included constitutional amendments guaranteeing slavery forever in the states where it already existed and dividing the territories between slavery and freedom. Although Lincoln had no objection to the first of these amendments, he was unalterably opposed to the second and indeed to any scheme infringing in the slightest upon the free-soil plank of his party’s platform. “I am inflexible,” he privately wrote. He feared that a territorial division, by sanctioning the principle of slavery extension, would only encourage planter imperialists to seek new slave territory south of the American border and thus would “put us again on the highroad to a slave empire.” From his home in Springfield he advised Republicans in Congress to vote against a division of the territories, and the proposal was killed in committee. Six additional states then seceded and, with South Carolina, combined to form the Confederate States of America.

Thus, before Lincoln had even moved into the White House, a disunion crisis was upon the country. Attention, North and South, focused in particular upon Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. This fort, still under construction, was garrisoned by U.S. troops under Major Robert Anderson. The Confederacy claimed it and, from other harbour fortifications, threatened it. Foreseeing trouble, Lincoln, while still in Springfield, confidentially requested Winfield Scott, general in chief of the U.S. Army, to be prepared “to either hold, or retake, the forts, as the case may require, at, and after the inauguration.” In his inaugural address (March 4, 1861), besides upholding the Union’s indestructibility and appealing for sectional harmony, Lincoln restated his Sumter policy.

No sooner was he in office than Lincoln received word that the Sumter garrison, unless supplied or withdrawn, would shortly be starved out. Still, for about a month, Lincoln delayed acting. He was beset by contradictory advice. On the one hand, General Scott, Secretary of State William H. Seward, and others urged him to abandon the fort; and Seward, through a go-between, gave a group of Confederate commissioners to understand that the fort would in fact be abandoned. On the other hand, many Republicans insisted that any show of weakness would bring disaster to their party and to the Union. Finally Lincoln ordered the preparation of two relief expeditions, one for Fort Sumter and the other for Fort Pickens, in Florida. (He afterward said he would have been willing to withdraw from Sumter if he could have been sure of holding Pickens.)

Without waiting for the arrival of Lincoln’s expedition, the Confederate authorities presented to Major Anderson a demand for Sumter’s prompt evacuation, which he refused. On April 12, 1861, at dawn, the Confederate batteries in the harbour opened fire.

“Then, and thereby,” Lincoln informed Congress when it met on July 4, “the assailants of the Government, began the conflict of arms.” The Confederates, however, accused him of being the real aggressor. They said he had cleverly maneuvered them into firing the first shot so as to put upon them the onus of war guilt. Although some historians have repeated this charge, it appears to be a gross distortion of the facts. Lincoln was determined to preserve the Union, and to do so he thought he must take a stand against the Confederacy. He concluded he might as well take this stand at Sumter.

Lincoln’s primary aim was neither to provoke war nor to maintain peace. In preserving the Union, he would have been glad to preserve the peace also, but he was ready to risk a war that he thought would be short.

As a war leader, Lincoln employed the style that had served him as a politician—a description of himself, incidentally, that he was not ashamed to accept. He preferred to react to problems and to the circumstances that others had created rather than to originate policies and lay out long-range designs. In candour he would write: “I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me.” His guiding rule was: “My policy is to have no policy.” It was not that he was unprincipled; rather, he was a practical man, mentally nimble and flexible, and, if one action or decision proved unsatisfactory in practice, he was willing to experiment with another.

From 1861 to 1864, while hesitating to impose his ideas upon his generals, Lincoln experimented with command personnel and organization. Accepting the resignation of Scott (November 1861), he put George B. McClellan in charge of the armies as a whole. After a few months, disgusted by the slowness of McClellan (“He has the slows,” as Lincoln put it), he demoted him to the command of the Army of the Potomac alone. He questioned the soundness of McClellan’s plans for the Peninsular Campaign, repeatedly compelled McClellan to alter them, and, after the Seven Days’ Battles to capture Richmond, Virginia (June 25–July 1, 1862), failed, ordered him to give them up. Then he tried a succession of commanders for the army in Virginia—John Pope, McClellan again, Ambrose E. Burnside, Joseph Hooker, and George Gordon Meade—but was disappointed with each of them in turn. Meanwhile, he had in Henry W. Halleck a general in chief who gave advice and served as a liaison with field officers but who shrank from making important decisions. For nearly two years the Federal armies lacked effective unity of command. President Lincoln, General Halleck, and War Secretary Edwin M. Stanton acted as an informal council of war. Lincoln, besides transmitting official orders through Halleck, also communicated directly with the generals, sending personal suggestions in his own name. To generals opposing Robert E. Lee, he suggested that the object was to destroy Lee’s army, not to capture Richmond or to drive the invader from Northern soil.

To win the war, President Lincoln had to have popular support. The reunion of North and South required, first of all, a certain degree of unity in the North. But the North contained various groups with special interests of their own. Lincoln faced the task of attracting to his administration the support of as many divergent groups and individuals as possible. Accordingly, he gave much of his time and attention to politics, which in one of its aspects is the art of attracting such support. Fortunately for the Union cause, he was a president with rare political skill. He had the knack of appealing to fellow politicians and talking to them in their own language. He had a talent for smoothing over personal differences and holding the loyalty of men antagonistic to one another. Inheriting the spoils system, he made good use of it, disposing of government jobs in such a way as to strengthen his administration and further its official aims.

The opposition party remained alive and strong. Its membership included war Democrats and peace Democrats, often called “Copperheads,” a few of whom collaborated with the enemy. Lincoln did what he could to cultivate the assistance of the war Democrats, as in securing from Congress the timely approval of the Thirteenth Amendment. So far as feasible, he conciliated the peace Democrats. He heeded the complaints of one of them, Governor Horatio Seymour of New York, in regard to the draft quota for that state. He commuted the prison sentence of another, Congressman Clement L. Vallandigham of Ohio, to banishment within the Confederate lines. In dealing with persons suspected of treasonable intent, Lincoln at times authorized his generals to make arbitrary arrests. He justified this action on the ground that he had to allow some temporary sacrifice of parts of the Constitution in order to maintain the Union and thus preserve the Constitution as a whole. He let his generals suspend several newspapers, but only for short periods, and he promptly revoked a military order suppressing the hostile Chicago Times.

Within his own party, Lincoln confronted factional divisions and personal rivalries that caused him as much trouble as did the activities of the Democrats. True, he and most of his fellow partisans agreed fairly well upon their principal economic aims. With his approval, the Republicans enacted into law the essentials of the program he had advocated from his early Whig days—a protective tariff; a national banking system; and federal aid for internal improvements, in particular for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific Coast. The Republicans disagreed among themselves, however, on many matters regarding the conduct and purposes of the war. Two main factions arose: the “Radicals” and the “Conservatives.” Lincoln himself inclined in spirit toward the Conservatives, but he had friends among the Radicals as well, and he strove to maintain his leadership over both. In appointing his cabinet, he chose his several rivals for the 1860 nomination and, all together, gave representation to every important party group. Wisely he included the outstanding Conservative, Seward, and the outstanding Radical, Salmon P. Chase. Cleverly he overcame cabinet crises and kept these two opposites among his official advisers until Chase’s resignation in 1864.

At the end of the war, Lincoln’s policy for the defeated South was not clear in all its details, though he continued to believe that the main object should be to restore the “seceded States, so-called,” to their “proper practical relation” with the Union as soon as possible. He possessed no fixed and uniform program for the region as a whole. As he said in the last public speech of his life (April 11, 1865), “so great peculiarities” pertained to each of the states, and “such important and sudden changes” occurred from time to time, and “so new and unprecedented” was the whole problem that “no exclusive and inflexible plan” could “safely be prescribed.” With respect to states like Louisiana and Tennessee, he continued to urge acceptance of new governments set up under his 10 percent plan during the war. With respect to states like Virginia and North Carolina, he seemed willing to use the old rebel governments temporarily as a means of transition from war to peace. He was on record as opposing the appointment of “strangers” (carpetbaggers) to govern the South. He hoped that the Southerners themselves, in forming new state governments, would find some way by which whites and blacks “could gradually live themselves out of their old relation to each other, and both come out better prepared for the new.” A program of education for the freedmen, he thought, was essential to preparing them for their new status. He also suggested that the vote be given immediately to some African Americans—“as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks.”

On the question of reconstruction, however, Lincoln and the extremists of his own party stood even farther apart in early 1865 than a year before. Some of the Radicals were beginning to demand a period of military occupation for the South, the confiscation of planter estates and their division among the freedmen, and the transfer of political power from the planters to their former slaves. In April 1865 Lincoln began to modify his own stand in some respects and thus to narrow the gap between himself and the Radicals. He recalled the permission he had given for the assembling of the rebel legislature of Virginia, and he approved in principle—or at least did not disapprove—Stanton’s scheme for the military occupation of Southern states. After the cabinet meeting of April 14, Attorney General James Speed inferred that Lincoln was moving toward the radical position. “He never seemed so near our views,” Speed believed. What Lincoln’s reconstruction policy would have been, if he had lived to complete his second term, can only be guessed at.

On the evening of April 14, 1865, 26-year-old John Wilkes Booth—a rabid advocate of slavery with ties to the South and the flamboyant son of one of the most distinguished theatrical families of the 19th century—shot Lincoln as he sat in Ford’s Theatre in Washington. Early the next morning Lincoln died.

Richard N. Current, 

University Distinguished Professor Emeritus of History, University of North Carolina

Walt Whitman (1819-1892)

American poet, journalist, and essayist whose verse collection Leaves of Grass, first published in 1855, is a landmark in the history of American literature.

Walt Whitman was born into a family that settled in North America in the first half of the 17th century. His ancestry was typical of the region: his mother, Louisa Van Velsor, was Dutch, and his father, Walter Whitman, was of English descent. They were farm people with little formal education. The Whitman family had at one time owned a large tract of land, but it was so diminished by the time Walt was born that his father had taken up carpentering, though the family still lived on a small section of the ancestral estate. In 1823 Walter Whitman, Sr., moved his growing family to Brooklyn, which was enjoying a boom. There he speculated in real estate and built cheap houses for artisans, but he was a poor manager and had difficulty in providing for his family, which increased to nine children.

Walt, the second child, attended public school in Brooklyn, began working at the age of 12, and learned the printing trade. He was employed as a printer in Brooklyn and New York City, taught in country schools on Long Island, and became a journalist. At the age of 23 he edited a daily newspaper in New York, and in 1846 he became editor of the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, a fairly important newspaper of the time. Discharged from the Eagle early in 1848 because of his support for the antislavery Free Soil faction of the Democratic Party, he went to New Orleans, Louisiana, where he worked for three months on the Crescent before returning to New York via the Mississippi River and the Great Lakes. After another abortive attempt at Free Soil journalism, he built houses and dabbled in real estate in New York from about 1850 until 1855.

Whitman had spent a great deal of his 36 years walking and observing in New York City and Long Island. He had visited the theatre frequently and seen many plays of William Shakespeare, and he had developed a strong love of music, especially opera. During these years, he had also read extensively at home and in the New York libraries, and he began experimenting with a new style of poetry. While a schoolteacher, printer, and journalist, he had published sentimental stories and poems in newspapers and popular magazines, but they showed almost no literary promise.

By the spring of 1855 Whitman had enough poems in his new style for a thin volume. Unable to find a publisher, he sold a house and printed the first edition of Leaves of Grass at his own expense. No publisher’s name and no author’s name appeared on the first edition in 1855. But the cover had a portrait of Walt Whitman, “broad-shouldered, rouge-fleshed, Bacchus-browed, bearded like a satyr,” as Bronson Alcott described him in a journal entry in 1856. Though little appreciated upon its appearance, Leaves of Grass was warmly praised by the poet and essayist Ralph Waldo Emerson, who wrote to Whitman on receiving the poems that it was “the most extraordinary piece of wit and wisdom” America had yet contributed.

Whitman continued practicing his new style of writing in his private notebooks, and in 1856 the second edition of Leaves of Grass appeared. This collection contained revisions of the poems of the first edition and a new one, the “Sun-down Poem” (later to become “Crossing Brooklyn Ferry”). The second edition was also a financial failure, and once again Whitman edited a daily newspaper, the Brooklyn Times, but was unemployed by the summer of 1859. In 1860 a Boston publisher brought out the third edition of Leaves of Grass, greatly enlarged and rearranged, but the outbreak of the American Civil War bankrupted the firm. The 1860 volume contained the “Calamus” poems, which record a personal crisis of some intensity in Whitman’s life, an apparent homosexual love affair (whether imagined or real is unknown), and “Premonition” (later entitled “Starting from Paumanok”), which records the violent emotions that often drained the poet’s strength. “A Word out of the Sea” (later entitled “Out of the Cradle Endlessly Rocking”) evoked some sombre feelings, as did “As I Ebb’d with the Ocean of Life,” “Chants Democratic,” “Enfans d’Adam,” “Messenger Leaves,” and “Thoughts” were more in the poet’s earlier vein.

After the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, Whitman’s brother was wounded at Fredericksburg, and Whitman went there in 1862, staying some time in the camp, then taking a temporary post in the paymaster’s office in Washington. He spent his spare time visiting wounded and dying soldiers in the Washington hospitals, spending his scanty salary on small gifts for Confederate and Union soldiers alike and offering his usual “cheer and magnetism” to try to alleviate some of the mental depression and bodily suffering he saw in the wards.

In January 1865 he became a clerk in the Department of the Interior; in May he was promoted but in June was dismissed because the secretary of the Interior thought that Leaves of Grass was indecent. Whitman then obtained a post in the attorney general’s office, largely through the efforts of his friend the journalist William O’Connor, who wrote a vindication of Whitman in The Good Gray Poet (published in 1866), which aroused sympathy for the victim of injustice.

In May 1865 a collection of war poems entitled Drum-Taps showed Whitman’s readers a new kind of poetry, in free verse, moving from the oratorical excitement with which he had greeted the falling-in and arming of the young men at the beginning of the Civil War to a disturbing awareness of what war really meant. “Beat! Beat! Drums!” echoed the bitterness of the first of the battles of Bull Run, and “Vigil Strange I Kept on the Field One Night” had a new awareness of suffering, no less effective for its quietly plangent quality. The Sequel to Drum-Taps, published in the autumn of 1865, contained “When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloom’d,” his great elegy on Pres. Abraham Lincoln. Whitman’s horror at the death of democracy’s first “great martyr chief ” was matched by his revulsion from the barbarities of war. Whitman’s prose descriptions of the Civil War, published later in Specimen Days & Collect (1882–83), are no less effective in their direct, moving simplicity.

The fourth edition of Leaves of Grass, published in 1867, contained much revision and rearrangement. Apart from the poems collected in Drum-Taps, it contained eight new poems, and some poems had been omitted. In the late 1860s Whitman’s work began to receive greater recognition. O’Connor’s The Good Gray Poet and John Burroughs’s Notes on Walt Whitman as Poet and Person (1867) were followed in 1868 by an expurgated English edition of Whitman’s poems prepared by William Michael Rossetti, the English man of letters. During the remainder of his life Whitman received much encouragement from leading writers in England.

Whitman was ill in 1872, probably as a result of long-experienced emotional strains; in January 1873 his first stroke left him partly paralyzed. By May he had recovered sufficiently to travel to his brother’s home in Camden, New Jersey, where his mother was dying. Her subsequent death he called “the great cloud” of his life. He thereafter lived with his brother in Camden, and his post in the attorney general’s office was terminated in 1874.

Whitman’s health recovered sufficiently by 1879 for him to make a visit to the West. In 1881 James R. Osgood published a second Boston edition of Leaves of Grass, and the Society for the Suppression of Vice claimed it to be immoral. Because of a threatened prosecution, Osgood gave the plates to Whitman, who, after he had published an author’s edition, found a new publisher, Rees Welsh of Philadelphia, who was shortly succeeded by David McKay. Leaves of Grass had now reached the form in which it was henceforth to be published. Newspaper publicity had created interest in the book, and it sold better than any previous edition. As a result, Whitman was able to buy a modest little cottage in Camden, where he spent the rest of his life. He had many new friends, among them Horace Traubel, who recorded his talk and wrote his biography. The Complete Poems and Prose was published in 1888, along with the eighth edition of Leaves of Grass. The ninth, or “authorized,” edition appeared in 1892, the year of Whitman’s death.

At the time of his death Whitman was more respected in Europe than in his own country. It was not as a poet, indeed, but as a symbol of American democracy that he first won recognition. In the late 19th century his poems exercised a strong fascination on English readers who found his championing of the common man idealistic and prophetic.

Whitman’s aim was to transcend traditional epics, to eschew normal aesthetic form, and yet by reflecting American society to enable the poet and his readers to realize themselves and the nature of their American experience. He has continued to hold the attention of very different generations because he offered the welcome conviction that “the crowning growth of the United States” was to be spiritual and heroic and because he was able to uncompromisingly express his own personality in poetic form. Modern readers can still share his preoccupation with the problem of preserving the individual’s integrity amid broader social pressures. Whitman invigorated language, he could be strong yet sentimental, and he possessed scope and inventiveness. He portrayed the relationships of an individual’s body and soul and the universe in a new way, often emancipating poetry from contemporary conventions. He had sufficient universality to be considered one of the greatest American poets.

Alexander Norman Jeffares, Emeritus Professor of English, University of Stirling, Scotland

Gay Wilson Allen, Professor of English, New York University [supanova_question]

THE PANDEMIC EFFECT ON THE MOBILE GAMES IN MALAYSIA By Name Date

THE PANDEMIC EFFECT ON THE MOBILE GAMES IN MALAYSIA

By

Name

Date

Lecturer name and course number

Table of Contents

1. Introduction1

1.1 Introduction of the mobile games industry4
1.2 Background of Study4
1.2 Problem statement4
1.3 Scope of Study3
1.4 Significant of Study4
1.5 Research Questions4
1.6 Research Objectives5
1.7 Summary of Chapter5

2. Literature review6

2.2 Underpinning Theory6
2.3 Theoretical Framework7
2.4 Review of Variables 8
2.5 Review of Identifications 9
2.6 Summary of Chapter10

3. RESEARCH METHOLOGY11

3.1 Research design11
3.2 Research Framework11
3.4 Populations 12
3.5 Sampling12
3.6 Sampling criteria12
3.7 Variables12
3.8 Instrument13
3.9 Questionnaire design13
3.10 Validity & Reliability13
3.11 Pre-test14
3.12 Pilot-test14
3.13 The Data Collection Procedure15
3.14 The plan Data Analysis15
3.15 Ethical consideration16
3.16 Summary of Chapter16

References17
Appendix1
Gantt Chart

1.1 Introduction of The Pandemic effects on the Mobile Games Industry

The mobile game industry was formed in 2002, when operators started to commercialize phones that enable users download games from their own portals. However, limitations of the hardware and low popularity meant that most of the games were simple and dull with single-player modes, making the growth of the mobile game industry until the 2000s very minor.

Since the beginning of 2020, the world has been facing COVID-19, an infectious virus that has caused the most serious global health crisis in the last 100 years. In this scenario, the behaviour of people, of entire communities and countries that revolutionize their lifestyle has limitations on personal freedom, such as mobilization and social distancing between people.

Though these limitations, people who were forced to remain in their homes have turned to mobile gaming as a source of entertainment and social interactions, triggering an even larger growth in the mobile gaming industry.

1.2 Background of Study

The gaming industry was least affected industry compared to other industries, and it seems to thrive during the pandemic due to outdoor activities being reduced as much as possible and movement control order implementing to reduce the possibility of the virus spreading.

Playing mobile games is an alternate way of social interaction and entertainment. According to Weforum, there is a significant growth in playtime and sales since the pandemic has begun (WEF, 2020). (IDC Media Center, 2021), the growth in user activity in mobile games, which is observed during the Covid-19 pandemic, will continue in the future after its end. So, during the Covid-19 pandemic, the net increase in user activity in mobile games increased by 75%. This trend has especially manifested itself in the countries most affected by the consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. The survey shown two out of three smartphone owners in Malaysia played mobile games in recent months, 63% of the respondents are spending more time on mobile games. Three out of four respondents are playing mobile games just to pass the time. About 6% of respondents did not play mobile games before the pandemic.

As per (Salleh and Muhammad, 2020), it is predicted that when the pandemic is over, only 25% of the increase in activity in games will decrease, and the rest of the increase will continue indefinitely. Overall, the global player base grew by 12% in 2020, and the total number of players reached the level of 2.25 billion.

With this study, the mobile game industry has been positively affected especially in the economic sense.

1.2 Problem Statement

The Covid-19 pandemic had affects people to stay at home and limit their social interaction , however it opens the way for how mobile games has changed the world by allowing them to play games for entertainment and to interact with people across the world.

According to Sensor Tower’s, mobile game revenue spiked during the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, seeing its largest year-over-year growth in Q2 2020 at 33%. The mobile games market was larger than ever in 2020 and shows no signs of slowing down. During the Covid-19 pandemic, there has been a significant increase in online gaming and various online activities; online games usage increased to 42.8% in 2020 compared to 2018. which was 35.2% more (Malaysia, 2021) . The 25% Y/Y growth in Q1 2021 easily outpaced the growth during the prior two years. (Adcolony.2021)

As such, the research is conducted to identify the effects of Covid-19 on the gaming usage, behaviour of mobile gamers and the effect of mobile games revenue in order to analyze the potential of mobile games market in Malaysia post-covid. The statistic has shown the increased in playtime, and the revenue spending in mobile games.

Figure 1: Mobile Game Revenue YOY by region

Source: (Sensor Tower.2020)

Figure 2: Quarterly consumer spending in mobile games on the App Store and Google Play
Source: Adcolony ?2021)

1.3 Scope of Study

The main purpose of this study is to give a more in-depth look into the Malaysia mobile games and how it has been affected by the pandemic, which includes playtime, player’s behavior and the revenue growth in adults group.

1.4 Significant of Study

The aim of this study is to enlighten readers with the intention to publishing a mobile game product in the Malaysia market, to serve as a guide for publishers to better understand the current situation in the Malaysia mobile games industry that resulted in the consumer behaviour. This also allows the publisher to formulate their strategies to penetrate to the right target audience and apply appropriate game promotional strategies.

1.5 Research Question
The study attempts to answer the following questions:
RQ 1: How does the pandemic affect user playtime of mobile games in Malaysia?
RQ 2: How does the pandemic affect user behaviour of mobile games in Malaysia?
RQ 3: How does the pandemic affect the revenue of mobile games in Malaysia?

1.6 Research Objective
To specific objectives of this research are :
RO 1: To research if the pandemic affects the playtime of mobile games in Malaysia.
RO 2: To research if the pandemic affects the user behaviour of mobile games in Malaysia.
RO 3: To research if the pandemic affects the revenue of mobile games in Malaysia.

Literature Review

In the first quarter of 2021, Malaysian users spent $ 235 million on mobile games, which is 11% more than in the same period in 2020 (Jan, 2020). The first three months of 2021 were the most successful period in the mobile games industry since the start of the pandemic. Such data are provided by the experts based on the research results. According to Lew et al., (2020), the volume of the Malaysian mobile games market in 2020 amounted to $ 933 million, which is 25% more compared to 2019. Malaysia is one of the most important markets for mobile gaming. It is ranked fifth in revenue according to (Khoso and Noor, 2021), ahead of Mexico and Indonesia, but behind China, Brazil, the United States and India.

Most mobile players in Malaysia use Android. The share of iOS is 32%. This proportion has not changed significantly in recent years. The most profitable genre of mobile games in 2020 is RPG. Game creators of this genre earned $ 146 million (+ 22%) last year. Strategy game is in second place – $ 137 million (-4%), on the third – puzzles, $ 58.39 million (+ 27%). The Hyper Casual genre showed the most impressive growth in terms of downloads. Hyper-casual games were downloaded 594 million times in 2020, up 66% from 2019 (Md Yunus, Ang, and Hashim, 2021).

With the growing demand for mobile games, many developers and marketers continued to invest heavily in acquiring paid users, resulting in 70% growth over the previous year. Paid acquisition campaigns have proven to be the right strategy in a situation where a huge number of people are suddenly locked in four walls, and many of them have free time.

2.1 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework shows 3 independent variables, which are Playtime, user behaviour and revenue while the dependent variable is the pandemic effects on the mobile games in Malaysia. The influences of the independent variables towards the dependent variable will be thoroughly analyzed in this study.

H1

H1

H2

H2

The pandemic effect on the Mobile games in Malaysia

The pandemic effect on the Mobile games in Malaysia

User Behaviour

User Behaviour

PlayTime

PlayTime

H3

H3

Revenue

Revenue

Independent Variable

Independent Variable

Dependent Variable

Dependent Variable

2.2 Underpinning Theory

How DV effect IV and Why things happen the way they do.

The pandemic effects on mobile games in Malaysia base on xxxx ( citation )

1 -5 citation

2.3 Discussion of DV
elaboration of my DV base on topic – Genre, work from home, revenue ?????????IV

2.4 Dicussion of IV

Elaboration playtime, user and behavior

Hypothesis
All the hypotheses are being summarized on below: ?
H1 : Playtime has a positive significant relationship to the mobile games in Malaysia during the pandemic.
H2 : User behaviour has a positive significant relationship to the mobile games in Malaysia during the pandemic.
H3 : Revenue has a positive significant relationship to the mobile games in Malaysia during the pandemic.

References

World Economic Forum. 2021. WEF 2020.https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/05/covid-19-taking-gaming-and-esports-next-level/

IDC: The premier global market intelligence company. 2021. IDC Media Center. https://www.idc.com/getdoc.jsp?containerId=prUS47906621

Malaysia, M., 2021. Internet survey 2020. https://www.mcmc.gov.my/skmmgovmy/media/General/pdf/IUS-2020-Report.pdf

Salleh, D. and Muhammad, F., 2020. The Accounting Students’ Perspective on Mobile Learning in Covid19 Pandemic Period.

Khoso, A. and Noor, A.H.M., 2021. Migrant Workers in Malaysia: covid-19’s Impact on the Rights of their Children and Siblings in Pakistan. The International Journal of Children’s Rights, 29(2), pp.475-495.

Lew, S., Tan, G.W.H., Loh, X.M., Hew, J.J. and Ooi, K.B., 2020. The disruptive mobile wallet in the hospitality industry: An extended mobile technology acceptance model. Technology in society, 63, p.101430.

Jan, A., 2020. A phenomenological study of synchronous teaching during COVID-19: A case of an international school in Malaysia. Social Sciences & Humanities Open, 2(1), p.100084.

Md Yunus, M., Ang, W.S. and Hashim, H., 2021. Factors affecting teaching English as a Second Language (TESL) postgraduate students’ behavioural intention for online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic. Sustainability, 13(6), p.3524.

© 2021 Page 2 of 17[supanova_question]

Biographical Sketch of Entrepreneur Sofia Vergara and her career path/journey toward developing the Product/Service and the Corporation The term

Biographical Sketch of Entrepreneur Sofia Vergara
and her career path/journey toward developing the Product/Service and the Corporation

The term paper must have a clear thesis statement (MLA format!!!)
There must be evidence of economic terms and appropriate use of vocabulary and sentence structure throughout the paper
You must cite all info that is not your own in MLA format
You must cite and use a MINIMUM of 6 SOURCES!!!
What qualities does she possess as a entrepreneur and how and why these were vital for her success as a business woman; did she experience setbacks in starting the business and how were they overcome?
Analysis: “why” things; results of the innovation, why is the product of service relevant?
You must, in detail and with analysis describe the business and the product: including but not limited to:
Development of the product and company
The business sector in which the business operates
Lots of specific details about the business and the product
How she obtained capital to finance the business
The major goods and or services produced by the business
Analyze the fiscal components of the business
How has the business evolved over the years
Evaluate why Vergara achieved her success and why the corporation continues to thrive in its market sector as well as the qualities Vergara possesses.
[supanova_question]